Zbigniew Brzezinski Net Worth
Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski how much money? For this question we spent 13 hours on research (Wikipedia, Youtube, we read books in libraries, etc) to review the post.
The main source of income: Actors
Total Net Worth at the moment 2021 year – is about $85,6 Million.
Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski information Birth date: March 28, 1928 Birth place: Warsaw, Mazowieckie, Poland Spouse:Emilie Benes Brzezinski (m. 1955) Children:Mika Brzezinski, Mark Brzezinski, Ian Brzezinski Parents:Tadeusz Brzezi?ski Movies:Iran
:How tall is Zbigniew Brzezinski – 1,78m.
How much weight is Zbigniew Brzezinski – 57kg
Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski (/?zb??ni?v br????nski/ ZBIG-niev br?-ZHIN-skee, Polish: Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezi?ski [?zb?i???f ka??im??? b????i?sk?i], born March 28, 1928) is a Polish American political scientist, geostrategist, and statesman who served as a counsellor to Lyndon B. Johnson from 1966–1968 and held the position of United States National Security Advisor to President Jimmy Carter from 1977 to 1981.Brzezinski belongs to the realist school of international relations, geopolitically standing in the tradition of Halford Mackinder and Nicholas J. Spykman.Major foreign policy events during his term of office included the normalization of relations with the People', s Republic of China (and the severing of ties with the Republic of China), the signing of the second Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT II), the brokering of the Camp David Accords, the transition of Iran from an important U.S. client state to an anti-Western Islamic Republic, encouraging dissidents in Eastern Europe and emphasizing human rights in order to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union, the financing of the mujahideen in Afghanistan in response to the Soviet deployment of forces there and the arming of these rebels to counter the Soviet invasion, and the signing of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties relinquishing U.S. control of the Panama Canal after 1999.Brzezinski is currently Robert E. Osgood Professor of American Foreign Policy at Johns Hopkins University', s School of Advanced International Studies, a scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and a member of various boards and councils. He appears frequently as an expert on the PBS program The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, ABC News', This Week with Christiane Amanpour, and on MSNBC', s Morning Joe, where his daughter, Mika Brzezinski, is co-anchor. In recent years, he has been a supporter of the Prague Process. His son, Mark Brzezinski, is an American diplomat and the current United States Ambassador to Sweden since 2011.
Biography,Early yearsFor historical background on these periods of history, see:History of Poland (1918–39), andSecond Polish Republic,Weimar Republic, andNazi Germany,History of the Soviet Union (1927–53), andGreat Purge.Zbigniew Brzezinski was born in Warsaw, Poland, in 1928. His family, members of the nobility (or szlachta in Polish), bore the Traby coat of arms and hailed from Brzezany in Galicia in the Tarnopol Voivodeship (administrative region) of then eastern Poland (now in Ukraine). The town of Brzezany is thought to be the source of the family name. Brzezinskis parents were Leonia (nee Roman) and Tadeusz Brzezinski, a Polish diplomat who was posted to Germany from 1931 to 1935, Zbigniew Brzezinski thus spent some of his earliest years witnessing the rise of the Nazis. From 1936 to 1938, Tadeusz Brzezinski was posted to the Soviet Union during Joseph Stalins Great Purge.In 1938, Tadeusz Brzezinski was posted to Canada. In 1939, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was agreed to by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, subsequently the two powers invaded Poland. The 1945 Yalta Conference between the Allies allotted Poland to the Soviet sphere of influence. Some sources suggest this meant Brzezinskis family could not safely return to their country. The Second World War had a profound effect on Brzezinski, who stated in an interview: The extraordinary violence that was perpetrated against Poland did affect my perception of the world, and made me much more sensitive to the fact that a great deal of world politics is a fundamental struggle.Rising influenceAfter attending Loyola High School in Montreal Brzezinski entered McGill University in 1945 to obtain both his Bachelor and Master of Arts degrees (received in 1949 and 1950 respectively). His Masters thesis focused on the various nationalities within the Soviet Union. Brzezinskis plan for doing further studies in Great Britain in preparation for a diplomatic career in Canada fell through, principally because he was ruled ineligible for a scholarship he had won that was open to British subjects. Brzezinski then attended Harvard University to work on a doctorate with Merle Fainsod, focusing on the Soviet Union and the relationship between the October Revolution, Vladimir Lenins state, and the actions of Joseph Stalin. He received his doctorate in 1953, the same year, he traveled to Munich and met Jan Nowak-Jezioranski, head of the Polish desk of Radio Free Europe. He later collaborated with Carl J. Friedrich to develop the concept of totalitarianism as a way to more accurately and powerfully characterize and criticize the Soviets in 1956.For historical background on major events during this period, see:History of Poland: Gomulkas road to socialism (1956–70), and1956 Hungarian Revolution.As a Harvard professor, he argued against Dwight Eisenhowers and John Foster Dulless policy of rollback, saying that antagonism would push Eastern Europe further toward the Soviets. The Polish protests followed by Polish October and Hungarian Revolution in 1956 lent some support to Brzezinskis idea that the Eastern Europeans could gradually counter Soviet domination. In 1957, he visited Poland for the first time since he left as a child, and his visit reaffirmed his judgement that splits within the Eastern bloc were profound. He developed his ideas he called peaceful engagement.In 1958 he became a United States citizen. Despite his decades of residence in Canada and the presence of family members there, he never became a Canadian citizen.When in 1959 Brzezinski was not granted tenure at Harvard, he moved to New York City to teach at Columbia University. Here he wrote Soviet Bloc: Unity and Conflict, which focused on Eastern Europe since the beginning of the Cold War. He also taught future Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who, like his wife, is of Czech descent, and who he also mentored during her early years in Washington. He also became a member of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and joined the Bilderberg Group.During the 1960 U.S. presidential elections, Brzezinski was an advisor to the John F. Kennedy campaign, urging a non-antagonistic policy toward Eastern European governments. Seeing the Soviet Union as having entered a period of stagnation, both economic and political, Brzezinski correctly predicted the future breakup of the Soviet Union along lines of nationality (expanding on his masters thesis).Brzezinski continued to argue for and support detente for the next few years, publishing Peaceful Engagement in Eastern Europe in Foreign Affairs, and he continued to support non-antagonistic policies after the Cuban Missile Crisis on the grounds that such policies might disabuse Eastern European nations of their fear of an aggressive Germany, and pacify Western Europeans fearful of a superpower compromise along the lines of the Yalta Conference.In 1964, Brzezinski supported Lyndon Johnsons presidential campaign and the Great Society and civil rights policies, while on the other hand he saw Soviet leadership as having been purged of any creativity following the ousting of Khrushchev. Through Jan Nowak-Jezioranski, Brzezinski met with Adam Michnik, future Polish Solidarity activist.Brzezinski continued to support engagement with Eastern European governments, while warning against De Gaulles vision of a Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals. He also supported the Vietnam War. From 1966 to 1968, Brzezinski served as a member of the Policy Planning Council of the U.S. Department of State (President Johnsons October 7, 1966, Bridge Building speech was a product of Brzezinskis influence).For historical background on events during this period, see:Six-Day War,Prague Spring, andSocialism with a human face,Tet offensive.Events in Czechoslovakia further reinforced Brzezinskis criticisms of the rights aggressive stance toward Eastern European governments. His service to the Johnson administration, and his fact-finding trip to Vietnam, made him an enemy of the New Left, despite his advocacy of the de-escalation of the United States involvement in the war.For the 1968 U.S. presidential campaign, Brzezinski was chairman of the Hubert Humphrey Foreign Policy Task Force. He advised Humphrey to break with several of President Johnsons policies, especially concerning Vietnam, the Middle East, and condominium with the Soviet Union.Brzezinski called for a pan-European conference, an idea that would eventually find fruition in 1973 as the Conference for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Meanwhile, he became a leading critic of both the Nixon-Kissinger detente condominium, as well as McGoverns pacifism.In his 1970 piece Between Two Ages: Americas Role in the Technetronic Era, Brzezinski argued that a coordinated policy among developed nations was necessary in order to counter global instability erupting from increasing economic inequality. Out of this thesis, Brzezinski co-founded the Trilateral Commission with David Rockefeller, serving as director from 1973 to 1976. The Trilateral Commission is a group of prominent political and business leaders and academics primarily from the United States, Western Europe and Japan. Its purpose was to strengthen relations among the three most industrially advanced regions of the capitalist world. Brzezinski selected Georgia governor Jimmy Carter as a member.GovernmentBrzezinski during his White House yearsJimmy Carter announced his candidacy for the 1976 presidential campaign to a skeptical media and proclaimed himself an eager student of Brzezinski. Brzezinski became Carters principal foreign policy advisor by late 1975. He became an outspoken critic of the Nixon-Kissinger over-reliance on detente, a situation preferred by the Soviet Union, favoring the Helsinki process instead, which focused on human rights, international law and peaceful engagement in Eastern Europe. Brzezinski has been considered to be the Democrats response to Republican Henry Kissinger. Carter engaged Ford in foreign policy debates by contrasting the Trilateral vision with Fords detente.After his victory in 1976, Carter made Brzezinski National Security Advisor. Earlier that year, major labor riots broke out in Poland, laying the foundations for Solidarity. Brzezinski began by emphasizing the Basket III human rights in the Helsinki Final Act, which inspired Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia shortly thereafter.Brzezinski had a hand in writing parts of Carters inaugural address, and this served his purpose of sending a positive message to Soviet dissidents. The Soviet Union and Western European leaders both complained that this kind of rhetoric ran against the code of detente that Nixon and Kissinger had established. Brzezinski ran up against members of his own Democratic Party who disagreed with this interpretation of detente, including Secretary of State Cyrus Vance. Vance argued for less emphasis on human rights in order to gain Soviet agreement to Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), whereas Brzezinski favored doing both at the same time. Brzezinski then ordered Radio Free Europe transmitters to increase the power and area of their broadcasts, a provocative reversal of Nixon-Kissinger policies. West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt objected to Brzezinskis agenda, even calling for the removal of Radio Free Europe from German soil.The State Department was alarmed by Brzezinskis support for East German dissidents and objected to his suggestion that Carters first overseas visit be to Poland. He visited Warsaw, met with Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski (against the objection of the U.S. Ambassador to Poland), recognizing the Roman Catholic Church as the legitimate opposition to communist rule in Poland.By 1978, Brzezinski and Vance were more and more at odds over the direction of Carters foreign policy. Vance sought to continue the style of detente engineered by Nixon-Kissinger, with a focus on arms control. Brzezinski believed that detente emboldened the Soviets in Angola and the Middle East, and so he argued for increased military strength and an emphasis on human rights. Vance, the State Department, and the media criticized Brzezinski publicly as seeking to revive the Cold War.Brzezinski advised Carter in 1978 to engage the Peoples Republic of China and traveled to Beijing to lay the groundwork for the normalization of relations between the two countries. This also resulted in the severing of ties with the United States longtime anti-Communist ally the Republic of China (Taiwan).For historical background on this period of history, see:Iranian Revolution,Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, andSolidarity.1979 saw two major strategically important events: the overthrow of U.S. ally the Shah of Iran, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The Iranian Revolution precipitated the Iran hostage crisis, which would last for the rest of Carters presidency. Brzezinski anticipated the Soviet invasion, and, with the support of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the Peoples Republic of China, he created a strategy to undermine the Soviet presence. Using this atmosphere of insecurity, Brzezinski led the United States toward a new arms buildup and the development of the Rapid Deployment Forces – policies that are both more generally associated with Reagans presidency now.On November 9, 1979. U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski was woken at 3 AM by a phone call with a startling message: The Soviets had just launched 250 nuclear weapons at the United States. Minutes later, Brzezinski received another call: The early-warning system actually showed 2,000 missiles heading toward the United States.As Brzezinski prepared to phone President Jimmy Carter to plan a full-scale response, he received a third call: It was a false alarm. An early warning training tape generating indications of a large-scale Soviet nuclear attack had somehow transferred to the actual early warning network, which triggered an all-too-real scramble.Brzezinski, acting under a lame duck Carter presidency—but encouraged that Solidarity in Poland had vindicated his style of engagement with Eastern Europe—took a hard-line stance against what seemed like an imminent Soviet invasion of Poland. He even made a midnight phone call to Pope John Paul II (whose visit to Poland in 1979 had foreshadowed the emergence of Solidarity) warning him in advance. The U.S. stance was a significant change from previous reactions to Soviet repression in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968.In 1981 President Carter presented Brzezinski with the Presidential Medal of Freedom.After powerBrzezinski left office concerned about the internal division within the Democratic party, arguing that the dovish McGovernite wing would send the Democrats into permanent minority.He had mixed relations with the Reagan administration. On the one hand, he supported it as an alternative to the Democrats pacifism. On the other hand, he also criticized it as seeing foreign policy in overly black-and-white terms.He remained involved in Polish affairs, critical of the imposition of martial law in Poland in 1981, and more so of the Western European acquiescence to its imposition in the name of stability. Brzezinski briefed U.S. vice-president George H. W. Bush before his 1987 trip to Poland that aided in the revival of the Solidarity movement.In 1985, under the Reagan administration, Brzezinski served as a member of the Presidents Chemical Warfare Commission. From 1987 to 1988, he worked on the U.S. National Security Council–Defense Department Commission on Integrated Long-Term Strategy. From 1987 to 1989 he also served on the Presidents Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.In 1988, Brzezinski was co-chairman of the Bush National Security Advisory Task Force, endorsing Bush for president, and breaking with the Democratic party. Brzezinski published The Grand Failure the same year, predicting the failure of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachevs reforms, and the collapse of the Soviet Union in a few more decades. He said there were five possibilities for the Soviet Union: successful pluralization, protracted crisis, renewed stagnation, coup (by the KGB or Soviet military), or the explicit collapse of the Communist regime. He called collapse at this stage a much more remote possibility than protracted crisis. He also predicted that the chance of some form of communism existing in the Soviet Union in 2021 was a little more than 50% and that when the end did come it would be most likely turbulent. In the event, the Soviet system collapsed totally in 1991 following Moscows crackdown on Lithuanias attempt to declare independence, the Nagorno-Karabakh War of the late 1980s, and scattered bloodshed in other republics. This was a less violent outcome than Brzezinski and other observers anticipated.In 1989 the Communists failed to mobilize support in Poland, and Solidarity swept the general elections. Later the same year, Brzezinski toured Russia and visited a memorial to the Katyn Massacre. This served as an opportunity for him to ask the Soviet government to acknowledge the truth about the event, for which he received a standing ovation in the Soviet Academy of Sciences. Ten days later, the Berlin Wall fell, and Soviet-supported governments in Eastern Europe began to totter.Strobe Talbott, one of Brzezinskis long-time critics, conducted an interview with him for TIME magazine entitled Vindication of a Hardliner.In 1990 Brzezinski warned against post–Cold War euphoria. He publicly opposed the Gulf War, arguing that the United States would squander the international goodwill it had accumulated by defeating the Soviet Union, and that it could trigger wide resentment throughout the Arab world. He expanded upon these views in his 1992 work Out of Control.Brzezinski was prominently critical of the Clinton administrations hesitation to intervene against the Serb forces in the Bosnian war. He also began to speak out against Russias First Chechen War, forming the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya. Wary of a move toward the reinvigoration of Russian power, Brzezinski negatively viewed the succession of former KGB agent Vladimir Putin after Boris Yeltsin. In this vein, he became one of the foremost advocates of NATO expansion. He wrote in 1998 that Without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be a Eurasian empire. He later came out in support of the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia during the Kosovo war.Present dayBrzezinski, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Leonid Kozhara and Vitali Klitschko, Munich, 2014After the September 11 attacks in 2001, Brzezinski was criticized for his role in the formation of the Afghan mujahiddin network. He countered that blame ought to be laid at the feet of the Soviet Unions invasion, which radicalized the relatively stable Muslim society.Brzezinski was a leading critic of the George W. Bush Administrations conduct of the War on Terror. In 2004, Brzezinski wrote The Choice, which expanded upon The Grand Chessboard but sharply criticized George W. Bushs foreign policy. He defended the book The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy and was an outspoken critic of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.In August 2007, Brzezinski endorsed Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama. He stated that Obama recognizes that the challenge is a new face, a new sense of direction, a new definition of Americas role in the world. – also saying, What makes Obama attractive to me is that he understands that we live in a very different world where we have to relate to a variety of cultures and people. In September 2007 during a speech on the Iraq war, Obama introduced Brzezinski as one of our most outstanding thinkers, but some pro-Israel commentators questioned his criticism of the Israel lobby in the United States. In a September 2009 interview with The Daily Beast, Brzezinski replied to a question about how aggressive President Obama should be in insisting Israel not conduct an air strike on Iran, saying: We are not exactly impotent little babies. They have to fly over our airspace in Iraq. Are we just going to sit there and watch? This was interpreted by some supporters of Israel as supporting the downing of Israeli jets by the United States in order to prevent an attack on Iran. In 2011, Brzezinski supported the NATO intervention against the forces of Muammar Gaddafi in the Libyan Civil War, calling non-intervention morally dubious and politically questionable.On 3 March 2014, between the 22 February ouster of Ukraine President Viktor Yanukovych and the 16 March Crimean referendum, Brzezinski authored an op-ed piece for The Washington Post entitled What is to be done? Putin’s aggression in Ukraine needs a response He led with a link on Russian aggression, he compared Russian President Vladimir Putins thuggish tactics in seizing Crimea and thinly camouflaged invasion to Adolf Hitlers occupation of the Sudetenland in 1938, and characterised Putin as a cartoon Benito Mussolini, but stopped well short of advocating that the U.S. go to war. Rather, he suggested that NATO should be put on high alert and recommended to avert miscalculations. He explicitly stated that reassurances be given Russia that it is not seeking to draw Ukraine into NATO.Personal lifeBrzezinski is married to Czech-American sculptor Emilie Benes (grand-niece of the second Czechoslovak president, Edvard Benes), with whom he has three children. His son, Mark Brzezinski (b. 1965), a lawyer who served on President Clintons National Security Council as an expert on Russia and Southeastern Europe and who was a partner in McGuire Woods LLP, served as the US ambassador to Sweden (November 24, 2011 to July 1, 2015). His daughter, Mika Brzezinski (b. 1967), is a television news presenter and co-host of MSNBCs weekday morning program, Morning Joe, where she provides regular commentary and reads the news headlines for the program. His eldest son, Ian Brzezinski (b. 1963) is a Senior Fellow in the International Security Program and is on the Atlantic Council’s Strategic Advisors Group. Ian also served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Europe and NATO and was a principal at Booz Allen Hamilton. Ian Brzezinski is a Senior Fellow in the International Security Program and is on the Atlantic Council’s Strategic Advisors Group. Key highlights of his tenure as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Europe and NATO Policy (2001–2005) include the expansion of NATO membership in 2004, the consolidation and reconfiguration of the Alliance’s command structure, the standing up of the NATO Response Force and the coordination of European military contributions to U.S.- and NATO-led operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Balkans.
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